U.S. should disclose any and all previous shipments
of weapons to foreign countries
The U.S. government created
a potentially catastrophic problem for itself when it shipped samples
of several biological agents to Iraq in the 1980s. The samples were sent
to sites that U.N. weapons inspectors later determined were part of Saddam
Hussein’s biological weapons program.
The Centers for Disease Control
and Prevention, under the Reagan administration, approved the delivery
of anthrax, botulinum toxin and germs could cause gas gangrene.
Just as the United States created
a future problem by financing Osama bin Laden in the Afghan war in the
1980s, it did the same when it provided the makings for Iraq’s chemical
weapons program, which President Bush now says is a major threat.
The government already has disclosed
that the United States continued to provide assistance to Iraq even after
president Saddam Hussein used chemical weapons against Iranians and Kurdish
dissidents, but the new revelation is particularly shocking. Equally as
maddening is that under a program administered by the Commerce Department
at the time, the transfers of toxins to Iraq were completely legal.
The Reagan administration suffered a very public embarrassment
in the Iran-Contra scandal, when it was revealed the president either
approved or “didn’t know” about illegal transfers of drug money and weapons.
Now we are seeing that scandal was just the tip of the iceberg, and that
the Reagan administration may have had many more skeletons in its closet.
This policy decision was incredibly
short sighted. It robs the United States of even more diplomatic credibility,
helped create a new international threat and worst of all endangers thousands
of lives around the world.
The U.S. government owes it
to its citizens and the rest of the world to disclose any other transfers
of American weapons or deadly materials to other countries. And to forestall
future international threats, the U.S. government owes it to itself not
to provide deadly weapons to uncertain allies.
Washington police overstepped their bounds in D.C. protest
Washington city police crossed
a dangerous threshold when they arrested protesters and bystanders ••en
masse•• during anti-globalization
demonstrations last Friday.
The police arrested everyone
within a certain area, regardless if they committed a crime or were even
involved in the protest. The willingness of police to group law-abiding
protesters along with individual lawbreakers could begin descending a
slippery slope in policing.
The demonstrators were protesting
globalization and the International Monetary Fund, neither of which is
particularly well understood by most people, so the public response to
the mass arrests was lukewarm.
But if the police had rounded
up members of the Million Man March, or abortion protesters outside the
Supreme Court, the public outcry would be immense. Washington police were
wrong to take advantage of this issue’s obtuseness to summarily round
up protesters.
It goes without saying that Americans are entitled
to speak out and to protest—these rights top the list of Constitutional
Amendments. Police not only violated these rights with the group arrest,
they detained individuals who were committing no crime
Protests are always prickly situations for law
enforcement officials. People in crowds behave differently from they way
they normally would. The protests in Washington, however, were mostly
orderly. They were planned for months to coincide with a meeting of IMF
officials, and D.C. police had weeks to prepare.
There was no reason for police
to round up people they knew would be there and march them off to jail.
Police could have at least ordered the protesters to disperse before closing
in and arresting them.
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